"FROWICK" PLAN STARTING POINT IN THE ALBANIAN-MACEDONIAN NEGOTIATIONS OF 2001

Muhamed HALILI

Abstract

My intention when working on this topic was to try to illuminate some aspects that are still unclear even after 23 years of the beginning of the armed conflict in the Republic of Macedonia between the NLA (National Liberation Army) and the ARM (Army of the Republic of Macedonia) It is known that during the years 1990-2000, there was dissatisfaction among the Albanian population in Macedonia regarding the legal-constitutional status of Albanians following the country's independence from the Yugoslav federation. The dissolution of the legal-constitutional framework, precipitated by the introduction of the new constitution in the newly established Republic of Macedonia following its separation from the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, led to heightened tensions in inter-ethnic relations within the country. Additionally, this event prompted a shift towards a more assertive political stance among Albanian political parties, notably the Party for Democratic Prosperity and the People's Democratic Party, both within the national Parliament and in their engagements with international organizations such as the Council of Europe, the European Union, the Parliamentary Assembly of the CSCE (now OSCE), and the United Nations. The second phase of the development of Macedonian Albanian politics occurred during the governance of the DPA-IMRO DPMNU coalition and was characterized by a period of 'relaxation of inter-ethnic relations.' This phase saw notable progress in advancing the legal status of Albanians in Macedonia, a development that aligned with a new political philosophy distinct from the official policies of Pristina and Tirana. The war in Macedonia, officially described as an armed conflict, came as a surprise not only to the international community, which had strongly supported NATO's military intervention in Kosovo to liberate it from the grip of the dictator Milošević, but also to the political leadership in Kosovo and Albania. What made it even more surprising was that the conflict erupted after the liberation of Kosovo by NATO, catching many off guards. Initially, the war was framed with the motto of “liberating Albanian lands from the Slavic occupier” and advocating for an all-Albanian union (Ali Ahmeti, 2001). However, this narrative later evolved to emphasize that the conflict, “for the given moment, did not seek to address the issues of Macedonian Albanians through border adjustments or the destruction of Macedonia. Instead, it expressed a determination to preserve Macedonia as a whole, emphasizing the importance of maintaining its territorial integrity and sovereignty”. Twenty years after the onset of the war, many questions remain unanswered. Did the war truly begin as a quest for national unification, as proclaimed by the initial proponents? Was it, as claimed by the establishment of the DPA, a war aimed at overthrowing their rivals? Or perhaps it was a struggle for national rights, as asserted by those in the PDP. Some even speculated that it was waged for the acquisition of seven diplomatic passports, as suggested by a prominent journalist and intellectual in Macedonia in the daily “Fakti”. Others suggest it was driven by a desire for government tenders, as revealed by the opposition's ongoing investigations. Setting aside the assessments of politicians and opposition figures, the military conflict of 2001 elevated the NLA fighters to a revered status. Their bravery has been acknowledged even by staunch anti-Albanian military and political analysts, such as Ambassador the Risto Nikovski. In one instance, Nikovski writes: “The Army (ARM) and Macedonian police suffered an unprecedented disgrace in the war. A handful of terrorists, as NATO Secretary General Robertson initially labeled them, brought shame upon them and all of the country's political structures, from the supreme commander of the Army, who was also the head of state, to the entire government and the general staff of the Ministry of Internal Affairs”. In our determination, along with the international community, to resolve the conflict through diplomatic means, the efforts of American Ambassador Robert Frowick and the Special Envoy of the OSCE Chairman, Romanian Foreign Minister Mirçea Xhoana, hold a special significance in initiating negotiations between the Albanians and Macedonians to end the armed conflict. These negotiations culminated in the signing of the Ohrid Framework Agreement on August 13, 2001.

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